At present, large-scale analysis of faunal remains from sacred sites in Roman Italy remains a desideratum, but analysis of deposits of animal bones from the region seems to bear out the prevalence of these species in the Roman diet and as the object of religious ritual (whether sacrificium or not it is difficult to say).Footnote 5 Parents: Aeacus: Zeus and Aegina; Rhadamanthus and Minos: Zeus and Europa. Other forms of ritual killing do not receive the same sort of negative judgement by Roman authors, and one form, devotio, even has strongly positive associations. the killing of the animal was not it, at least in an early period. 17ac) and the Cancellaria relief (Ryberg Reference Ryberg1955: fig. Huet Reference Huet and Bertrand2005; Reference Huet and van Andringa2007. 6.34. Therefore, instead of privileging either the emic or etic, I argue for an increased awareness of the insider-outsider distinction and for an approach to Roman religion that makes use of both emic and etic concepts. 100 71 Aldrete Reference Aldrete2014: 32. 3.2.16. Plu., RQ 83=Mor. I owe many thanks to C. P. Mann, B. Nongbri, and J. N. Dillon for their thoughtful, challenging responses to earlier drafts of this article, and to audiences at Trinity College, Baylor University, and Bryn Mawr College for comments on an oral version of it. 83 Prescendi Reference Prescendi2007: 22441 and, arriving at the same conclusion by a different path, Schultz Reference Schultz2012: 1323. Greek gods had heavy emphasis placed on their One does, however, sacrifice with a cow, with a pig, or with a little cruet. McClymond treats sacrificial events as clusters of different types of activities, including prayer, killing, cooking, and consumption, which are not in and of themselves sacrificial (they are frequently performed in other contexts), but which become sacrificial in the aggregate (McClymond Reference McClymond2008: 2534). MacKinnon Reference MacKinnon2004: 5974. 44 Match. Was a portion consumed later? Minos gave laws to Crete. This should prompt researchers, myself included, to greater caution when presenting a native in our case, Roman point of view and to greater clarity about whether the concept under discussion at any given moment is really the Romans or ours, or is shared by both groups. 76. 65 Ioppolo Reference Ioppolo1972; Tagliacozzo Reference Tagliacozzo1989. 15, The apparent alignment of emic (Roman) and etic (modern) perceptions of the centrality of slaughter to the Roman sacrificial process, however, is not complete. 62 132.2; Scheid Reference Scheid2005: 1369). 35 For illustration, we can turn once again to the elder Pliny, who writes about the habits of the Gallic tribes north of the Alps: et nuperrime trans Alpis hominem immolari gentium earum more solitum, quod paulum a mandendo abest (And very recently, on the other side of the Alps, in accordance with the custom of those peoples, individuals were habitually sacrificed, which is not all that far from eating them N.H. 7.9). 39 Ryberg Reference Ryberg1955: figs 83 and 89b. Others, such as animal Knives would have been used only in conjunction with one or other of these implements. At N.H. 29.578, Pliny tells us that a dog was crucified annually at a particular location in Rome, and that puppies used to be considered to be such pure eating that they were used in place of victims (hostiarum vice) to appease the divine; puppy was still on the menu at banquets for the gods in Pliny's own day. eadem est enim paupertas apud Graecos in Aristide iusta, in Phocione benigna, in Epaminonda strenua, in Socrate sapiens, in Homero diserta. The basic argument transfers well to the Roman context. Lodwick, Lisa I concede that, to a certain extent, the insider-outsider lens does not show us difficulties that were previously invisible. 5 As illustrated by Livy's description of the first Decius to perform the ritual as he rode out to meet the enemy: aliquanto augustior humano visu, sicut caelo missus (8.9.10). Cato's instruction to pollucere to Jupiter an assaria pecunia refers to produce valued at one as (Agr. and the second century c.e. 8.9 per cent of the total, according to Moses, Reference Moses, Brocato and Terrenatoforthcoming, table 2. Finally, both ancient societies have twelve main gods and goddesses. Thus the most likely reading of the passage in Pliny is that Curius sacrificed the guttum faginum to the gods. See Rosenblitt Reference Rosenblitt2011 for the connection between these two passages. 13 5401L. It is important to note that there is no indication that these vegetal offerings were thought to be substitutions for what would have been, in better circumstances, animal victims.Footnote Devotio is frequently called self-sacrifice by modern scholars,Footnote 46 If the commander who devoted himself did not die in battle, he was interdicted from performing any ritual on behalf of the state (publicum divinum). 19 7 which I quote at some length because we shall return to this passage later on: Territi etiam super tantas clades cum ceteris prodigiis, tum quod duae Vestales eo anno, Opimia atque Floronia, stupri compertae et altera sub terra, uti mos est, ad portam Collinam necata fuerat, altera sibimet ipsa mortem consciverat; Hoc nefas cum inter tot, ut fit, clades in prodigium versum esset, decemviri libros adire iussi sunt et Q. Fabius Pictor Delphos ad oraculum missus est sciscitatum quibus precibus suppliciisque deos possent placare et quaenam futura finis tantis cladibus foret. 32 Peter=FRH F33. Var., L. 5.112; see also Cic., Har. It is entirely possible that miniature ceramics were not, in reality, less expensive offerings than actual foodstuffs. 43 For example, the apparent contradiction between Roman abhorrence of ritual killing and the frequency with which Romans performed various forms of it is, to a large extent, explicable once it is recognized that the Romans objected only to the performance (by themselves as much as by others) of sacrificium on human victims. 74 Lucil. See also n. 9 above. Of the various forms of ritual killing that were part of their religious experience, the Romans only reacted with disgust to that form they identified as human sacrifice, a distinction in value sometimes lost when all these ritual forms are grouped together under the rubric sacrifice.Footnote 423L s.v. mactus; de Vaan Reference De Vaan2008: 357 s.v. See, for example, Morris et al. This disjuncture between physical remains and written accounts is another reminder of the bias of our ancient authors toward the activities of the rich and toward state ritual. 63 How, if these animals did not make desirable entrees, could they be considered suitable for sacrifice? Created by. The quotation comes from Frankfurter Reference Frankfurter2011: 75. Tagliacozzo Reference Tagliacozzo1989: 66. The relationship between magmentum and augmentum (Paul. [1] Comparative mythology has served a Thinking along the same lines, it is reasonable to conclude that there are relatively few images of slaughter among Roman sacrificial scenes in public artwork of the Classical period because the emphasis in state-sponsored sacrifice lay elsewhere. Through the insider point of view, we can understand its meaning to the people who experience it. 6 22.57.26, discussed also in Schultz Reference Schultz2012: 1267. Another famous instance of this scene is on the Boscoreale cup (Aldrete Reference Aldrete2014: 33, fig. This is the insider-outsider problem in nuce. For this discussion, the metaphorical extension of the English word sacrifice, by which one can sacrifice for one's family or hit a sacrifice fly in baseball, is not relevant: this meaning is completely unknown to the Romans of the Classical period. Another example of a ritual that looks a lot like sacrificium but is not identical to it is polluctum. To give just a single example, we know that there was originally some technical distinction among the different types of divine signs sent to the Romans by the gods. Test. hasContentIssue true, Copyright The Author(s) 2016. The Romans, however, developed a more naturalistic approach to their art. nor does any Roman author ever express any sort of discomfort with this rite akin to Livy's shrinking back from the sacrifice of Gauls and Greeks. 9 Interim ex fatalibus libris sacrificia aliquot extraordinaria facta, inter quae Gallus et Galla, Graecus et Graeca in foro boario sub terram vivi demissi sunt in locum saxo consaeptum, iam ante hostiis humanis, minime Romano sacro, imbutum. WebIn Greek mythology the king of gods is known as Zeus, whereas Romans call the king of gods Jupiter. Marcellus, de Medicamentis 8.50; Palmer Reference Palmer and Hall1996: 234. The objectivity of the outside observer can also facilitate cross-cultural comparison. Upon examination of the Roman evidence, however, it becomes evident that this distinction is an etic one: while we see at least two different rituals, the Romans are clear that they sacrifice a wide range of food substances beyond animal flesh. On three occasions during the Republic (228,Footnote 77 Furthermore, it seems reasonable to conclude that the miniature clay cows, birds, and other animals that are also commonly found in votive collections were also substitutes for live sacrificial victims.Footnote This is suggested by Ov., F. 1.1278. 50 6.343 and 11.108. ex Fest. refriva faba. 68 76 Compare Var., R. 2.8.1. Huet explains the rarity of killing scenes in sacrificial reliefs from Italy by pointing out that the emphasis in these reliefs is really on the piety of the sacrificant who stands before the altar.Footnote 35 The corresponding substantive is magmentum, a type of offering laid out only at certain temples.Footnote These offerings, ubiquitous in Roman Italy through to the end of the Republic, are mentioned at most twice in extant Latin literature.Footnote It is important to remember, however, that no ancient source articulates any sort of relationship among these rituals. ex Fest. 28 As Scheid has reconstructed Roman public sacrifice,Footnote There is a difference, however. Ubiquitous in the scholarship is the assumption that if the gods receive an animal, it is sacrifice, but if the gods receive vegetable produce and other inanimate edibles, those are something different: they are offerings. Pliny and Apuleius may reflect an lite misconception about the religious praxis of lower class worshippers, offering an incorrect, emic interpretation of an observable phenomenon. The ritual ended with a litatio, that is, the inspection of the animal's entrails, and it was then followed by a meal. 22. While there is a growing body of work done on the osteoarchaeological material from other regions of the Empire, especially the north-western provinces,Footnote WebIn Greek mythology the king of gods is known as Zeus, whereas Romans call the king of gods Jupiter. The biggest difference that I'm aware of is that the Classical Greek religion was much more the religion of myths that we all know, while the Class Moses (Reference Moses, Brocato and Terrenatoforthcoming, table 2) reports that these species account for 89.9 per cent of the total number of individual animal specimens recovered. 58 Despite the fact that the Romans buried broken or superfluous gifts to the gods in deposits for hundreds of years, there are to my knowledge only two references to the practice in all of Latin literature.Footnote Mactare is another ritual performed on animals (referred to as hostiae and victimae) at an altar, but also on porridge (Nonius 539L). e.g., Faraone and Naiden Reference Faraone and Naiden2012: 4; Prescendi Reference Prescendi2007: 36 and 1089. Nacirema is American spelt backwards, and Miner shows to, and interprets for, us our own bathroom habits.Footnote 12 Magmentum also appears in two imperial leges sacrae pertaining to the observance of the Imperial cult preserved in inscriptions found in the Roman colonies of Salona in Dalmatia (CIL 3.1933, dated to 137 c.e.) While there appears to have been an original distinction among the rites of sacrificium, polluctum, and magmentum, we cannot recover the details of it in any serious way. 2021. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0075435816000319, Reference Feeney, Barchiesi, Rpke and Stephens, Reference Berry, Headland, Pike and Harris, Reference Rpke, Georgoudi, Piettre and Schmidt, Reference Lentacker, Ervynck, Van Neer, Martens and De Boe, Reference De Grossi Mazzorin and Tagliacozzo, Hammers, axes, bulls, and blood: some practical aspects of Roman animal sacrifice, Witchcraft and Magic in Europe: Ancient Greece and Rome, Imposed etics, emics, and derived etics: their conceptual and operational status in cross-cultural psychology, Emics and Etics: The Insider/Outsider Debate, Religio Votiva: The Archaeology of Latial Votive Religion, Rome, Pollution and Propriety: Dirt, Disease and Hygiene in the Eternal City from Antiquity to Modernity, Homo Necans: The Anthropology of Ancient Greek Sacrificial Ritual and Myth, Martyrdom and Memory: Early Christian Culture Making, L'Invention des grands hommes de la Rome antique, Dog remains in Italy from the Neolithic to the Roman period, The Cuisine of Sacrifice among the Greeks, Etymological Dictionary of Latin and the Other Italic Languages, Human sacrifice and fear of military disaster in Republican Rome, Das rmische Vorzeichenwesen (75327 v. An exception is Scheid Reference Scheid2005: 52. Schultz Reference Schultz2010: 5202. WebDifferences between Greek and Roman sacrifices. 2 94 67 In what follows, I aim to clear away a few of the accretions that have arisen from more than a century of modern theorizing about the nature and meaning of sacrifice as a universal human phenomenon in order to gain a better understanding of those actions that the Romans identify by the Latin words sacrificium and sacrificare.Footnote Scheid Reference Scheid2005: 4457; Reference Scheid and Rpke2007: 2639. 58.47, 64.1.467, and 68.1.49. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings. 22.1.19; 45.16.6; Plin., N.H. 36.39; Tac., Ann. Another possible interpretation of the disappearance of some rituals from Latin literature is that the Romans no longer thought of them as distinct from one another, preferring to treat them all as sacrificium. Emic and etic, terms drawn originally from the field of linguistics (Pike Reference Pike1967: 3744; reprinted in McCutcheon Reference McCutcheon1999: 2836), are one of several pairs of words used to present the insider-outsider distinction. WebThe standard view of paganism (traditional city-based polytheistic Graeco-Roman religion) in the Roman empire has long been one of decline beginning in the second and first centuries BC. In addition to such great disasters, the people were terrified both by other prodigies and because in this year two Vestals, Opimia and Floronia, were discovered to have had illicit affairs. Although the focus of this investigation is the recovery of some details of the Romans idea of sacrificium, I do not mean to imply that their concept is the right one and that the modern idea is wrong or completely inapplicable to the Roman context. 73 By looking at Roman sacrificium through the insider-outsider lens, by keeping in sight what is there in the sources, what we add to it, and where our modern notion of sacrifice does and does not align with the Romans own idea, we have a sharper, more detailed picture of one aspect of Roman antiquity. It appears that if a worshipper could not afford to sacrifice something that was itself tasty, he might fulfill his obligation by giving something that evoked the idea of it.Footnote refriva faba; Plin., N.H. 18.119. 100 Dogs: Fest. WebRomans invested much of their time serving the gods, performing rituals and sacrifices in honor of them. 49 e.g., Liv. Admittedly the Romans often used as a metonym for the whole of sacrificium the term immolatio, the stage of the ritual that includes slaughter, suggesting the special importance of that portion of the ritual sequence.Footnote 64 79 wheat,Footnote Feature Flags: { 16 50, From all this, it is reasonable to conclude that the poor could substitute small vessels for more expensive, edible sacrificial offerings. Dear Mr. Chang, Aside from the obvious differences in language (one culture speaks as much Latin as the Vatican, while the other is all Greek to me), the Romans art largely imitated that of the Greeks. molo; de Vaan Reference De Vaan2008: 3867 s.v. 8.10.)). It is the only one of these terms that does not come to be used outside the realm of the divine. It is entirely possible that the search for a single, critical moment where a change from profane to sacred occurs is, in fact, a modern preoccupation. 97 86 For the difference in Roman attitudes toward human sacrifice and other forms of ritual killing, see Schultz Reference Schultz2010. B. Rives provided valuable consultation on specific points and V. C. Moses generously shared her work-in-progress on the osteoarchaeological evidence from S. Omobono. Ov., F. 4.90142 with Fest. The lack of interest in vegetal sacrifice is widespread in the field of religious studies (McClymond Reference McClymond2008: 65). Polluctum is a rite of wider scope than sacrificium, however, in that it could be performed on money and goods that do not appear to have been linked to eating in any way. The expression rem dvnam facer, to make a thing sacred, shows that sacrifice was an act of transfer of ownership. The description of Decius ensuing death is very spare and devoid of any sacrificial imagery or terminology. 55, The link between consumption and sacrifice is also reinforced by a second category of sacrificial items that Romans did not eat: animals, including human animals, that were not regularly included in the Roman diet. 60 The prevalence of Roman images of sacrificial victims standing before the altar, that is, of the instant before mola salsa is sprinkled on them, is due to the importance of that moment. A wider range of scholarly approaches is presented by McClymond Reference McClymond2008: 124. Birds: Suet., Calig. Plaut., Stich. See, for example, citations from Pomponius and Afranius in Non. 132.12). 21 Through the outsider point of view, we can interpret it in light of comparable behaviours in other cultures. Burkert Reference Burkert and Bing1983: 3; Girard Reference Girard and Gregory1977: 1. Livy, however, treats each burial in a distinct way. While there has been tentative speculation that the reason behind a preference for procession scenes in Greek representations of sacrifice in the Archaic and Classical periods is due to a growing squeamishness inside Greek culture,Footnote 45 Van Straten Reference Van Straten1995: 188. 24 As an example, I offer Var., R. 1.2.19: Itaque propterea institutum diversa de causa ut ex caprino genere ad alii dei aram hostia adduceretur, ad alii non sacrificaretur, cum ab eodem odio alter videre nollet, alter etiam videre pereuntem vellet. From this same root also derives the name for the mixture sprinkled on the animal before it was killed, mola salsa.Footnote 48 47 WebRoman sacrificial practices were not functionally different from Greek, although the Roman rite was distinguishable from the Greek and Etruscan. D. 6.9 (which probably draws on Varro) and possibly Paul. Fest. Studies of sacrifice have noted the etymological connection between immolare and mola salsa, but have not, for the most part, pressed its value for what it may reveal about where the Romans may have placed the emphasis. Sacrifices of wine and incense are common in the Commentarii Fratrum Arvalium, e.g. at the battle of the Veseris between Rome and the Latins (8.9.114), the ritual consists of the recitation of the dedicatory formula by the consul P. Decius Mus while in the midst of battle. WebIt housed an altar for animal sacrifice and was said to constantly burn incense. 98 Perhaps these reliefs preserve the performance of one or more of the rituals that seem to have faded in popularity by the high imperial period: magmentum and polluctum. 537 Words 3 Pages Decent Essays Read More MacBain Reference MacBain1982: 12735; Schultz Reference Schultz2010: 52930; Reference Schultz2012: 12930. As is implied in all the relevant entries in the OLD. See, for example, Feeney Reference Feeney, Barchiesi, Rpke and Stephens2004, an excellent discussion of the application of theoretical models of sacrifice to the poetry of Vergil and Ovid. Dogs had other ritual uses as well. 344L, s.v. 36 Marcos, Bruno 82 At the centre of the whole complex was the immolatio, during which the animal was sprinkled with mola salsa (a mixture of spelt and salt), the flat of a knife was run along its back, and then it was slaughtered. Of the fifty-six reliefs, forty-one show officials carrying axes. The small size of the guttus and simpulum is assured by Varro (L. 5.124), who identifies both as vessels that pour out liquid minutatim. 4.57. While the attention of our Roman sources is drawn most frequently to blood sacrifice, there is good reason to think that, if there was indeed a climax to the ritual,Footnote 66 93 Fest. In addition, the acceptability of miniature serveware as objects of sacrificium shows the ability of the ritual to accommodate the varying social status of those performing it. Of these, only dogs are attested in the written sources as victims of Roman sacrifice, albeit rarely.Footnote The Romans performed at least four forms of ritual killing, only one of which was sacrifice. Although Roman writers most frequently do not explicitly identify the object of a sacrifice, when they do, cattle, pigs and sheep are well attested.Footnote 85 J. C.), Quand faire, c'est croire: les rites sacrificiels des romains, Journal of the American Academy of Religion, Dogs and People in Social, Working, Economic or Symbolic Interaction, Proceedings of the 9, Annalisi dei resi faunistici dell'area sacra di S. Omobono, Il Viver quotidiano in Roma arcaica: materiali dagli scavi del tempio arcaico nell'area sacra di S. Omobono, Hiera Kala: Images of Animal Sacrifice in Archaic and Classical Greece, Materia Magica: The Archaeology of Magic in Roman Egypt, Cyprus, and Spain, Rome's Vestal Virgins: A Study of Rome's Vestal Priestesses in the Late Republic and Early Empire, http://apps.brepolis.net/BrepolisPortal/default.aspx. There are at least two other rituals that the Romans performed that also required the death of a person. 70 Scholars are quick to identify all of them as forms of sacrifice, which may well be the case. 61 17 Once we have recognized that there are two notions of sacrifice at play, we can set aside our etic, outsider ideas for the moment and look at the Roman sources anew. Here's a list of translations. For many readers of Latin, the most obvious translation of the Latin is except a beechwood cruet with which he would offer sacrifice, taking quo as an instrumental ablative and thereby making the vessel an instrument of sacrifice rather than the object of sacrifice itself. Scheid's reconstruction focuses on a living victim, and this is in keeping with the ancient sources own emphasis on blood sacrifice. 54 66 and indeed it certainly fits the modern notion of an act by which one suffers great loss for the benefit of others. 26 There is also a queen of gods in Greek and Roman mythologies. and Paul. Poverty, I say, is the ancient founder of all states throughout the ages, the discoverer of all arts, devoid of all transgressions, resplendent in every type of glory, and enjoying every praise among all the nations. thysa. At her birth, Athena, the goddess of wisdom, sprang directly from the head of Zeus. 97 For example, scholars have used the relationships between different myths to trace the development of religions and cultures, to propose common origins for 57 Modern etymologists disagree on the origin of the term. Plin., N.H. 31.89 is usually taken to refer to sacrifice (so Prescendi Reference Prescendi2007: 105) but the text mentions only sacra, not sacrificia. Those details, once recovered, can in turn subtly reshape our own idea of what sacrifice is and what it does. Has data issue: true I have tried to respond to them all. 94. and the fact that the word immolatio itself derives from the Indo-European root *melh2 (to crush, to grind): immolatio is cognate with English mill.Footnote Detry, Cleia As illustration, let us return to Livy and the human sacrifice in 216 b.c.e. most famously those of Burkert, who identifies sacrificial slaughter as the basic experience of the sacred, and Girard, who begins his investigation into the origin of sacrifice by asserting its close kinship to murder and criminal violence.Footnote The only inedible items that we know from literary sources were objects of sacrificium are all miniature versions of regular, everyday serveware: a cruet, a plate, and a ladle. This is made clear in numerous passages from several Roman authors. Rpke Reference Rpke, Georgoudi, Piettre and Schmidt2005 offers a different interpretation of the meal that follows the sacrifice. eadem paupertas etiam populo Romano imperium a primordio fundavit, proque eo in odiernum diis immortalibus simpulo et catino fictili sacrificat. 20 On the Latin terminology for living sacrificial victims, see Prescendi Reference Prescendi2009. 132; Cass. The ritual is so closely tied to the notion of dining that polluctum could be used for everyday meals (e.g., Plaut., Rud. This meant that Footnote noun. Now, the Romans did not eat people, so how does their performance of human sacrifice reinforce the link between sacrifice and dining? 22 113L, s.v. The issue remains active in religious studies, as it does in cultural anthropology more widely. 41 wine,Footnote Jupiter was a sky-god who Romans believed oversaw all aspects of life; he is thought to have originated from the Greek god Zeus. Reed, Kelly WebThe ancient Greeks and Romans performed many rituals in the observance of their religion. 89 Some rituals, such as the recitation of prayers, were simple. 176 and Serv., A. Yet the problem remains that dogs did not form a regular or significant part of the Romans diet, nor did wild animals of any sort.Footnote 287L, s.v. 49 WebRoman sacrificial practices were not functionally different from Greek, although the Roman rite was distinguishable from the Greek and Etruscan. 33 Among these criteria are a clear preference for specific parts of an animal or for animals of a specific age/sex/species, unusual butchery patterns, burning or other alterations to the remains, and the association of the remains with other material (e.g., votive offerings) linked to ritual activity. It was used by Cicero in the opening of his speech Post Reditum and by the figure of Cotta, consul of 75 b.c.e., in a fragment of Sallust's Historiae to present themselves as victims for the greater good.Footnote ex Fest. 83 Correct answer: What is a major difference between Greek and Roman temples? The present study argues that looking at the relationship between sacrificium as it is presented in Roman sources and comparing that with modern notions of sacrifice reveals that some important, specific aspects of what has been conceived of as Roman sacrifice are not there in the ancient sources and may not be part of how the Romans perceived their ritual. Greek Gods vs Roman Gods. In Livy's account of the first devotio in 340 b.c.e. For example, think about the Roman and Greek mythologies about gods. The preceding discussion has, I hope, made clear that the Romans own notion of sacrifice is broader and more complex than is generally perceived. Looking at Roman sacrifice through the insider-outsider lens lets us see more clearly that, for the Romans, sacrifice was both more and less than it is for many scholars writing about it today. Another major difference between Greek gods and Roman gods is in the physical appearance of the deities. Let me be clear. Val. Although they were not suitable as daily fare, there is evidence that several of the unexpected species from the S. Omobono deposit were edible on special occasions or in dire circumstances: they are surprisingly prevalent in magical and medicinal recipes. But upon further reflection, in fact, the use of cruets and plates actually emphasizes the importance of the meal that concluded a Roman sacrifice. 42 45 Plaut., Amph. Vaz, Filipe Costa The children were drowned by the haruspices, usually in the sea. pop. . 358L, s.v. 29 93L, s.v. As in other cultures, Roman sacrifice was not a single act, but instead comprised a series of actions that gain importance in relationship to each other.Footnote Somewhat surprising is the considerably smaller presence of bovines,Footnote There is also evidence that the Romans had a variety of rites, only one of which was sacrificium, that involved presenting foodstuffs to the gods. The ancients derived the term from magis auctus and understood it to mean to increase and by extension to honour with.Footnote I also thank the anonymous reviewers for helpful comments, suggestions and objections that have greatly improved this piece. Carretero, Lara Gonzalez Poorer families imitate the rich by applying pottery plaques to their shrine walls.Footnote 89 16 As in the Greek world, sacrifice was the central ritual of religion. 3.95: Quid Agamemnon, cum devovisset Dianae quod in suo regno pulcherrimum natum esset illo anno, immolavit Iphigeniam, qua nihil erat eo quidem anno natum pulchrius? Because the context is Greek, it is safe to assume that Cicero is using, as he often does elsewhere when addressing a general audience, technical terms in a very general way.
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